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About this paper symposium
| Panel information |
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| Panel 20. Social Cognition |
| Paper #1 | |
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| Mindset Messages in Children’s STEM Biographies: Examining Differences Across Scientist Gender, Race, and Field | |
| Author information | Role |
| Jessica Gladstone, Educational Psychology, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, United States | Presenting author |
| Gabrielle Applebaum, Department of Psychology, New York University, United States | Non-presenting author |
| Andrei Cimpian, Department of Psychology, New York University, United States | Non-presenting author |
| Abstract | |
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Despite efforts to diversify the STEM workforce, significant gender and race/ethnicity imbalances persist, particularly in fields like physics, engineering, and computer science (PECS). While the gender gap is narrowing in biology and chemistry, it remains pronounced in other areas with a 4-to-1 male-to-female ratio (Cimpian et al., 2020). Increased public awareness has spurred the creation of educational materials, including children’s biographies of scientists, aimed at fostering interest in STEM. These books often serve as children’s first introduction to STEM topics, and the messages they convey about scientists (e.g., innate talent vs. developed their abilities) may influence children’s own STEM motivation and stereotypes. Given the popularity of children’s science biographies, it is critical to evaluate their portrayals of scientists against motivation theories. This project aimed to 1) describe the mindset messages in these biographies and 2) investigate whether these messages differ based on the scientist’s gender, race/ethnicity, and STEM domain. The sample included 422 best-selling children’s science biographies, as ranked by Amazon.com (41% female scientists; 76% White non-Hispanic scientists). We coded two key motivational messages: (1) growth vs. fixed mindsets about ability (i.e., whether the scientist’s ability in STEM is portrayed as malleable vs. early-developing and stable; Dweck, 2006) and (2) growth vs. fixed mindsets about interest (i.e., whether the scientist’s interest in STEM is portrayed as malleable vs. early-developing and stable; O’Keefe et al., 2018). For each book, two independent coders rated each mindset message on a scale from 0 = Not present to 3 = Explicit and present more than once. Coders’ scores for each mindset message were averaged, unless they differed by ≥2 points, in which case disagreements were resolved via discussion. Messages about the sources of STEM ability were present in the books we coded (see Fig. 1); fixed and growth messages about ability were equally common (see Fig. 2) Additionally, no differences were found by scientist gender or race. A significant interaction between STEM domain and scientist’s race/ethnicity (b = -0.79 [-1.49, -0.09], SE = -2.22, OR = 0.45, p = 0.027 demonstrated that White scientists were described more in terms of fixed ability mindset messages in PECS fields (M = 1.08) than in non-PECS fields (M = 0.71), b = 0.92 [0.55, 1.29], SE = 0.19, OR = 2.50, p < 0.001, whereas there was no difference for scientists of color (Ms = 1.07 and 1.00, respectively). For interest mindset messages, there was a significant main effect indicating more fixed than growth interest mindsets (b = −3.35 [-3.78, -2.92], SE = 0.22, OR = 0.04, p < 0.001), with no differences by scientist gender, race or STEM field. Given the prevalence of fixed mindset messages about ability in the context of PECS fields and the overwhelming presence of fixed mindset messages about interest raise questions about the effectiveness of children’s science biographies in promoting diversity in STEM. Implications for theory and practice will be discussed. |
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| Paper #2 | |
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| Maladaptive but Malleable: Gender-Science Stereotypes Emerge Early but Are Modifiable by Language | |
| Author information | Role |
| Marjorie Rhodes, Ph.D., Department of Psychology, New York University, United States | Presenting author |
| Michelle Wang, Department of Psychology, New York University, United States | Non-presenting author |
| Amanda Cardarelli, Department of Psychology, New York University, United States | Non-presenting author |
| Jonah Brenner, Department of Psychology, New York University, United States | Non-presenting author |
| Sarah-Jane Leslie, Department of Philosophy, Princeton University, United States | Non-presenting author |
| Abstract | |
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The consequences of gender-science stereotypes are well-documented, but little is known about the processes by which they arise. Here we considered how subtle features of language might contribute to stereotype acquisition in ways that parents and teachers do not explicitly anticipate or intend (Chestnut et al., 2021), and thus, whether altering the language children hear about science could prevent the development of gender-science stereotypes in early childhood. Category labels (“This is a famous scientist”) and generic statements (“Scientists work hard to solve problems”) generally lead children to view the referenced group—in this case, scientists—as a stable and fundamentally distinct kind of person (Rhodes et al., 2012). Because children actively seek out information about categories, especially gender (Halim et al., 2014), once they conclude that one must be a particular kind of person to succeed in science, they are likely to search for cues as to which kind of person this might be. Combined with books, media, and personal interactions that predominantly depict scientists as male (Lewis & Lupyan, 2020), identity-focused science language—the most common way science is introduced to young children in the United States in prekindergarten classrooms and children’s media (Wang et al., 2022)—could lay the foundation for children to infer that the kind of person who succeeds in science is typically male. In comparison, language that is more action-oriented (e.g., “This famous person does science”; “Doing science means working hard to solve problems”) does not set up this expectation, and thus should not facilitate stereotype acquisition in the same manner. To test this possibility, we developed a virtual, unmoderated language-based science intervention that taught 4-5-year-old children four science concepts over the course of one month, using either identity-oriented or action-focused language (see Fig. 1). Participants included 467 children (242 girls, 225 boys); 65.2% were identified as White, 15.2% as Asian, 10.9% as Biracial/Multiracial, 4.3% as Black, and 0.4% as Native American; 12.4%, across race, were identified as Hispanic. Consistent with our hypothesis, the language children heard modulated their beliefs. Girls in the identity condition predicted that boys were good at science more often than girls in the action condition (b = .26, SE = .10, z = 2.61, p = .009; all other condition-based contrasts: ps > .15). In addition, in the identity condition, girls were less likely than boys to predict that girls are good at science (b = -.41, SE = .10, z = -3.91, p < .001), whereas in the action condition, boys and girls responded similarly (ps > .09; see Fig. 2A). We replicated these findings in a second cohort of children of color (n = 206; 104 girls, 102 boys), where girls in the identity condition endorsed more male-science stereotypes over time (b = .42, p = .003), but girls in the action condition did not (ps > .06; see Fig. 2B). Together, these studies show that commonplace language contributes to the development of gender-science stereotypes and subtle changes to children’s linguistic contexts durably reduce the acquisition of stereotypes. |
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| Paper #3 | |
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| Gesture Counteracts Gender Stereotypes Conveyed Through Subtle Linguistic Cues | |
| Author information | Role |
| Yihan Qian, Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, United States | Presenting author |
| Susan Goldin-Meadow, Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, United States | Non-presenting author |
| Lin Bian, Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, United States | Non-presenting author |
| Abstract | |
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Despite increased attempts to express equality in speech, biases often leak out through subtle linguistic cues. One example, commonly used by well-intentioned caregivers, teachers, and public figures, is the subject-complement statement (SCS): “Girls are as good as boys at math.” Despite intending to promote equality, the syntactic structure of SCS establishes the group in the complement position (reference group; boys) as more naturally skilled than the group in the subject position (variant group; girls), thus perpetuating the pre-existing gender stereotypes. The present work introduces gestures and investigates whether an equal gesture (two palms placed at the same height) counteracts stereotypes conveyed by SCS. Since adults associate gestures on the vertical plane with competence (Lakshmi, 2024), an equal gesture paired with SCS has the potential to mitigate the biased message in language. If children interpret the equal gesture as conveying equal competence, they may resist forming the stereotype conveyed in the biasing language. Across 2 pre-registered studies, 8- to 11-year-old children were introduced to a fictional group and completed 4 trials. In each trial, children watched a short video of an actress reading an SCS about gender equality in a novel domain (e.g., “Girls are as good as boys at yuzzing”) and answered questions gauging their endorsement of gender stereotypes (e.g., “Are boys or girls naturally better at yuzzing?”). In Study 1 (N = 160), participants were randomly assigned to one of two conditions. In the No Gesture (NG) condition, the actress read SCS without gestures (Fig. 1a). In the Equal Gesture (EG) condition, the actress made equal gestures while reading SCS by raising both hands to the same height (Fig. 1b). As predicted, children in the EG condition were less likely to associate greater natural ability with the reference group than children in the NG condition (Wald χ2 = 11.65, p < .001; Fig. 2 left). However, the decline of stereotype endorsement in the EG condition may have resulted from gestures disrupting speech encoding, rather than the equal gesture signaling equal competence. Study 2 (N = 160) contrasted the equal gesture with an unequal gesture to examine this hypothesis. Children who were randomly assigned to the Unequal Gesture (UG) condition saw the actress raise hands to different heights that aligned with the stereotype implicit in the SCS (e.g., “Girls <lower placement> are as good as boys <higher placement> at yuzzing.”; Fig. 1c&1d). Children in the EG condition saw the equal gesture produced by sequentially raising each hand to the same height as each group was mentioned (Fig. 1e&1f). When SCS were accompanied by equal (vs. unequal) gestures, children were less likely to endorse a stereotype favoring the reference group’s natural ability (Wald χ2 = 22.63, p < .001; Fig. 2 right). Together, these findings highlight the contribution of the equal gesture in blocking children’s acquisition of gender stereotypes introduced by subtle linguistic inputs, presenting it as a novel intervention in communicating equality from early on. |
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| Paper #4 | |
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| Immediate and Long-term Effects of a Growth Mindset Intervention on Girls’ Interests in Intellectually-challenging Activities | |
| Author information | Role |
| Ms. Seowoo Kim, Department of Psychology, Sungshin Women’s University, Korea (the Republic Of) | Presenting author |
| Lin Bian, Department of Psychology, University of Chicago, United States | Non-presenting author |
| Kyong-sun Jin, Department of Psychology, Sungshin Women’s University, South Korea | Non-presenting author |
| Abstract | |
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From the early elementary school years, children begin to associate high intelligence more with men than women, and girls become less interested in activities said as requiring high intelligence compared to boys (Bian et al., 2017; Kim et al., 2024). Our research aims to address the challenge of enhancing young girls’ motivation toward intellectually challenging activities. We developed a growth mindset intervention targeting early elementary school years, and tested its effectiveness. Adopting a growth mindset of intelligence could reduce the implications of the negative stereotypes against girls’ intellectual abilities by countering the belief that intelligence is fixed. We asked whether the intervention immediately boosts girls’ interests in intellectually challenging activities on the same day (Experiment 1), and whether this effect persisted even when tested four days later (Experiment 2). In Experiment 1 (N = 96, 50% girls), 7-year-old children were assigned to an intervention or a control condition in an online experiment. In the intervention phase, children in the intervention condition first watched animations displayed on a computer screen. Drawing from successful growth mindset interventions implemented for adolescents (e.g., Blackwell et al., 2007; Paunesku et al., 2015; Yeager et al., 2016), the intervention animations conveyed four key components tailored for younger children, 1) the basic concept that intelligence can be developed, 2) the idea of neuroplasticity, 3) how facing challenges can help develop intelligence, and 4) the importance of using right strategies. Each message was followed by a vignette depicting an example story about a child whose gender was unspecified. After watching the animations, children were asked to offer encouraging words to a new child shown in a picture, who believes that they are not smart and that there is little they can do to change. In the control condition, children watched animations that provided basic information about the human brain, along with engaging stories, and were asked to share what they had learned about with a new child. In the test phase, we measured children’s interest in a novel, game-like activity described as being for “really, really smart children” (Bian et al., 2017). Consistent with previous research (Bian et al., 2017; Kim et al., 2024), girls in the control condition were less interested than boys in the activities said to be for smart children (Fig1). However, in the intervention condition, this gender difference disappeared—both girls and boys showed equally high levels of interest in the intellectually-challenging activity. In Experiment 2 (N = 96, 50% girls), we tested the longevity of the effectiveness of our growth mindset intervention. Children watched the intervention or the control animations on day 1, and their interest was measured on day 2, four days later on average. We found results consistent with Experiment 1. In the control condition, girls were less interested in the intellectually challenging activity than boys, however, this gender disparity disappeared in the intervention condition (Fig2). Together, our results suggest that the growth mindset intervention effectively enhances 7-year-old girls’ motivation toward intellectually challenging activities, and importantly, this intervention effect lasts long-term. |
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Challenging Early Stereotypes: New Strategies to Promote Motivation in Children from Negatively Stereotyped Groups
Submission Type
Paper Symposium
Description
| Session Title | Challenging Early Stereotypes: New Strategies to Promote Motivation in Children from Negatively Stereotyped Groups |