About this paper symposium

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Panel information
Panel 28. Solicited Content: Climate Change

Paper #1
Excessive Heat and Early Childhood Development in Low-and-Middle-Income Countries: a Quasi-Experimental Analysis of Spatial Data
Author information	Role
Dr. Jorge Cuartas, New York University, United States	Presenting author
Andrés Camacho, School of Economics, Universidad de los Andes, Colombia	Non-presenting author
Lenin Balza, The Interamerican Development Bank, United States	Non-presenting author
Nicolás Gómez, The International Monetary Fund, United States	Non-presenting author
Abstract
The growing climate crisis is causing profound impacts on societies, communities, and individuals (Romanello et al., 2022). However, to date little is known about the consequences of climate change on early childhood development (Cuartas et al., 2024). From a bioecological and dynamic systems perspective, climate change and in exposure to extreme temperatures early in life can impact child development directly and through other indirect mechanisms. First, prenatal and early childhood are sensitive periods of development, and excessive heat can affect young children more than adults as children’s small bodies heat up more quickly, and they are biologically less capable of regulating heat or seeking water or cooler environments (Sanson et al., 2022; Weeda et al., 2024). Second, the developing brain detects excessive heat as a threat, triggering physiological and psychological consequences that can accumulate and threaten the healthy development of key cognitive, social, and emotional skills (Early Childhood Scientific Council on Equity and the Environment, 2023). Moreover, the flow-on effects of excessive heat on societies and communities can exacerbate contextual risks (e.g., closure of early childhood education services or increased parenting stress), with downstream consequences on children’s development (Cuartas et al., 2024; Vergunst & Berry, 2024). This study seeks to assess the potential consequences of exposure to excessive heat early in life and early childhood developmental outcomes and examine potential mechanisms underlying these associations. To do so, we employ data from 14 Multiple Indicators Cluster Surveys conducted in different low- and- middle-income countries (LMICs), which are nationally representative household surveys that include information on young children’s development (measured using the Early Childhood Development Index, ECDI) and other contextual information (e.g., at-home stimulation, exposure to violence, and attendance to early childhood education). We spatially merged the location of households from the MICS with high-resolution (i.e., ~9km grid) satellite temperature information from the ERA-5 Land dataset. We leveraged spatial and temporal variation to compute multiple exposure variables for the maximum average temperature children experience in different developmental moments (e.g., prenatally, 0-6 months, and so on). We used a binned specification standard in related literature (e.g., Deschenes, 2014) to account for non-linearities in observed associations. Findings indicate associations between higher temperature and lower early childhood development scores (Figure 1) and lower parental stimulation (Figure 2). We will conduct additional robustness and falsification tests to assess whether our findings may be capturing a causal effect or may be potentially driven by a third omitted variable, for example, by testing whether temperatures after the survey (i.e., placebo future exposure) predict past developmental outcomes, following related quasi-experimental design (e.g., Cuartas et al., 2018). The current findings provide novel evidence on the developmental consequences of climate change, specifically temperature increases, early in life. These results inform policy and programmatic efforts aimed at promoting positive adaptation, early learning opportunities, and healthy child development amid the growing climate crisis, contributing to meeting key policy goals established in the Sustainable Development Goals (e.g., Goals 3, 4, 10, 13, and 16) and ensuring a sustainable future for all.

Paper #2
Climate Change and Families: Review of Evidence
Author information	Role
Lucero Ramirez-Varela, New York University, United States	Presenting author
Jorge Cuartas, New York University and Universidad de los Andes, United States and Colombia	Non-presenting author
Jenna Spitzer, Utrecht University, Netherlands	Non-presenting author
Alexis Brieant, University of Vermont, United States	Non-presenting author
Ayesha Ghazanfar, Duke University, United States	Non-presenting author
Jennifer E. Lansford, Duke University, United States	Non-presenting author
Ann Sanson, University of Melbourne, Australia	Non-presenting author
Ahmed Aref, Doha International Family Institute, Qatar	Non-presenting author
Abstract
Climate change encompasses a constellation of risks, including temperature rise, shifts in weather patterns, air pollution, more frequent and intense extreme weather events, resource scarcity, and the spread of infectious and zoonotic diseases, among others (Romanello et al., 2022). From a social-ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), these climate change-related risks can directly and indirectly affect individual family members and the entire family system by impacting societies and communities (Figure 2). The interdependence between climate change and families highlights that family well-being, stability, and positive behaviors are essential in mitigating the climate crisis and ensuring a sustainable future for all (Aref, 2022). This paper outlines how the climate crisis impacts families (i.e., mechanisms) and for whom these impacts are most significant (i.e., moderators). The climate crisis is producing societal impacts such as political instability, macroeconomic distress, destruction of infrastructure, resource scarcity (e.g., clean water, food, shelter), and conflict (Couttenier & Soubeyran, 2013; Ghimire & Ferreira, 2015; Iyigun et al., 2024; Salehyan & Hendrix, 2014). These societal impacts affect communities, forcing families to flee homes due to extreme weather or economic pressures, increasing immigration to climate-resilient settings, disrupting critical services (e.g., health and education), increasing poverty, and reducing safety in outdoor environments (UNICEF, 2021b; see Figure 1). These economic and social consequences—such as lack of access to food and water, displacement, and immigration changes—have ripple effects on individual family members and the family system. At the personal level, contextual risks can lead to physical and mental health problems (Trudell et al., 2021) and jeopardize children’s learning opportunities and developmental outcomes. For the family system, these challenges increase stress, risk for family separation, interpersonal conflict, and violence, potentially harming the quality of family relationships (Cuartas et al., 2023). This report synthesizes scientific knowledge on how climate change impacts individual family members and the family system. The research comprised three rapid literature reviews: one on climate change’s effects on individual family members, another on family systems, and a third on interventions and policies that address climate-related risks. The rapid review method was chosen due to time constraints, offering a rigorous but timely overview to inform policy and practice (King et al., 2022). Searches were conducted in APA PsycINFO, PubMed, and Google Scholar, which index research on psychological and health sciences. We consulted experts in the field for additional literature recommendations. After screening studies, critical information, including author details, country of study, methodology, and findings, was extracted. Findings reveal that climate change is significantly impacting family health. Rising mortality and morbidity rates linked to environmental factors are evident, as are mental health issues, especially among those directly affected by climate events (Leyva et al., 2017). Children’s development is at risk, with potential long-term consequences for society (Cuartas et al., 2023). Climate change-induced stress within families also leads to shifts in family dynamics, increasing risks such as early marriage, conflict, and separation (Andriano & Behrman, 2020). In conclusion, the evidence underscores how climate change affects family members and systems, particularly in vulnerable regions and marginalized populations.

Paper #3
A Review of Policies and Interventions to Mitigate Climate Adversity and Support Children and Families
Author information	Role
Alexis Brieant, Ph.D., University of Vermont, United States	Presenting author
Jorge Cuartas, New York University and Universidad de los Andes, United States and Colombia	Non-presenting author
Jenna Spitzer, Utrecht University, Netherlands	Non-presenting author
Lucero Ramirez Varela, New York University, United States	Non-presenting author
Ayesha Ghazanfar, Duke University, United States	Non-presenting author
Jennifer E. Lansford, Duke University, United States	Non-presenting author
Ann Sanson, The University of Melbourne, Australia	Non-presenting author
Ahmed Aref, Doha International Family Institute, Qatar	Non-presenting author
Abstract
As families face adversities related to the climate crisis, policies and interventions are critical to ensuring well-being and promoting resilience. Here, policies and interventions may refer to action across different levels, including individual, local, and national scopes. The present study took a rapid review approach to provide a rigorous overview of what is known about existing policies and interventions related to families and climate change while navigating time constraints inherent to informing policy and practice in a timely manner. We searched in APA PsycINFO, PubMed, and Google Scholar for keywords and specialized terms related to families, climate change, policy, and interventions (e.g., “family”, “marital status”, “climate change,” “global warming,” “extreme events”, “policy”, “intervention”). After screening all studies retrieved by the databases, we conducted a qualitative appraisal to define key themes to organize and summarize the information from the studies. Our review identified four key domains of existing policies/interventions with different goals: (1) preventing families from experiencing the negative impacts of climate change, (2) preparing families to face the impacts of climate change, (3) supporting families as they face the impacts of climate change, and (4) engaging families in policy-making and action to address climate change. We will discuss exemplary policies/interventions in each of these domains, including mitigation policies with co-benefits for family health and well-being, mental health interventions for youth facing climate disasters, and climate change educational programs. Our review identified a significant gap in that very few climate policies and interventions focused explicitly on youth and families, pointing to a need for increased attention to this area. We will discuss future directions for developmental research that can help fill these gaps and directly inform future interventions and policies. Finally, sociodemographic inequities can exacerbate the impacts of climate change; we will discuss the need for additional research to identify policies and interventions that support communities with the greatest need and redress injustices so that all youth have opportunities to thrive amidst a rapidly changing climate.

Paper #4
Promoting Adolescents’ Sustainable Behavior via Motive-Alignment: A Field Experiment in Two Countries
Author information	Role
Jenna Spitzer, Utrecht University, Netherlands	Presenting author
Stathis Grapsas, Utrecht University, Netherlands	Non-presenting author
Astrid Poorthuis, Utrecht University, Netherlands	Non-presenting author
Sander Thomaes, Utrecht University, Netherlands	Non-presenting author
Abstract
Along with political and economic reform, individual behavior change is needed to mitigate and adapt to climate change (IPCC, 2023). Adolescents are well-positioned to catalyze sustainable behavior change in society (Thomaes et al., 2023). And yet, for many adolescents, their day-to-day behavior tends not to reflect their concern about climate change (Krettenauer et al., 2020). In a pre-registered, cross-national, longitudinal field experiment – conducted in the Netherlands and in China – we aimed to promote adolescents’ pro-environmental behavior using a “motive-alignment” approach. This approach posits that adolescents can be motivated to engage in sustainable behavior by aligning such behavior with their developmentally salient motives for autonomy and peer status (Bryan et al., 2019). In the Netherlands, adolescents (N = 474, Mage = 15.88, SDage = 0.85) were randomly assigned to a motive-alignment (treatment) or educational (active control) environmental intervention. The interventions consisted of reading and writing activities about climate change and how youth can engage in sustainable behaviors in their own lives. The motive-alignment intervention increased adolescents’ observed sustainable behavior. On the day of the intervention, they were more likely to choose a sustainable (vs. less sustainable) snack from a food stand (PMPc = 87.5%, Bayes Factor = 7.02). At four-week follow-up, they were also more likely to donate to a youth-led environmental organization (PMPc = 90%, Bayes Factor = 8.97). However, they were not more likely to exhibit sustainable behavior at the food stand (PMPc = 59%, Bayes Factor = 1.44). Replication data from China have not yet been analyzed, but the presentation will include the results of both studies. With this research, we aim to inform the development of theory-driven, affordable, and scalable interventions that help adolescents act on their environmental concern in their daily lives.

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