About this paper symposium

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Panel information
Panel 1. Attention, Learning, Memory

Paper #1
Environmental Influences on Children’s Saving Behaviour
Author information	Role
Mirella Rose Rocca, Brock University, Canada	Presenting author
Ege Kamber, Brock University, Canada	Non-presenting author
Tessa R. Mazachowsky, Brock University, Canada	Non-presenting author
Caitlin E. V. Mahy, Brock University, Canada	Non-presenting author
Abstract
Saving, reserving resources for future use (Metcalf & Atance, 2011), is an important future-oriented ability for children to develop. Children begin to save money and items around the age of three (Mazachowsky & Mahy, 2020). Preschool children also save time and food in daily life according to parent-report questionnaires (e.g., Dueck et al., 2024). Preschool children’s saving often increases with age. An important, yet underexplored, factor in the development of children’s saving is parental saving behaviour. Parents provide the first instance of children’s exposure to money and how to use it (Otto, 2013), teaching older children ways to save or spend that persist into adulthood (Robertson-Rose, 2019). Indeed, preschool children whose parents discuss saving with them engage in more saving behaviours at home (Dueck et al., 2024), suggesting that parents have an important influence on young children’s saving. The present study aimed to behaviorally measure young children’s saving of tokens, items, and time and to examine parental influences on children’s saving. Currently, 76 children aged three to six (40 girls; Mage = 56.82 months) have participated in the study (final sample will be 100). In the study, children completed The Saving Board Game (saving of money), a Marble Run Paradigm (saving items), a Dinosaur Sticker Game (saving items) and a Clean-up Game (saving time). In addition, their parents completed the Family Saving Information Questionnaire (Dueck et al., 2024) to measure their own and their child’s daily saving. Parents answered the following questions about their child’s saving: (1) Does your child earn/have access to money?, (2) Does your child have monetary savings?, and (3) How often has your child initiated discussions of saving? Parents also answered the following questions on their own saving; (1) How often have you initiated discussion of saving with your child? and (2) Are you currently saving for retirement? (Dueck et al., 2024). Three- to six-year-old children’s saving performance in token, item, and time saving tasks were positively correlated with their age, suggesting that children tended to save more as they aged. Age was also positively correlated with children’s access to money, having monetary savings, and more frequent child-initiated discussions about saving. Linear regression analyses were performed to explore how parental factors explain children’s saving of time, money, and items after controlling for children’s age. Children’s token saving was significantly predicted by parental saving for retirement. Children’s saving of time was significantly predicted by children’s access to money. Finally, neither parent nor child behaviours predicted children’s item saving. Children’s saving behaviour increased with age. Environmental factors showed a distinct pattern of predictors depending on the resource being saved. Parental saving had an influence on children’s token saving, child access to money had an influence on time saving, and item saving was not affected by parent or child behaviours. Thus, early childhood saving behaviours might have different precursors depending on the type of resource being saved.

Paper #2
Imagining Success: Imagining College in First-Generation Versus Non-First-Generation Students
Author information	Role
Kate Hill, University of Illinois Chicago, United States	Presenting author
Kristen Lyons, Metropolitan State University of Denver, United States	Non-presenting author
Sinem Camlica, University of Illinois Chicago, United States	Non-presenting author
Athena Deng, Brown University, United States	Non-presenting author
Christine Coughlin, University of Illinois Chicago, United States	Non-presenting author
Abstract
Attending college is a pivotal developmental milestone that shapes the lives of many emerging adults. However, higher education often includes a hidden curriculum—unwritten and unofficial lessons and perspectives. First-generation college students (FGCS) often miss out on this hidden curriculum during their childhood and adolescent years, lacking immediate family members who can provide relevant, college-related experiences. According to the constructive episodic simulation hypothesis, individuals imagine future events by retrieving and recombining details from their memories to construct possible future events (Schachter & Addis, 2007). Having fewer childhood memories related to college may limit FGCS’ ability to imagine their future college experiences compared to non-first-generation college students (non-FGCS). Furthermore, future event imagination is associated with positive self-regulation in the present, increasing actions that help individuals achieve desirable outcomes or avoid undesirable ones. Limitations in imagining future academic events may therefore reduce FGCS’ motivation and preparation to attain a college degree—a key factor in economic, political, and health benefits in the U.S. Based on this literature, the current study examines whether differences in the past experiences of FGCS and non-FGCS sustain inequities in the future college events they imagine, and whether these inequities predict differences in college performance. This is a multi-site study conducted at the University of Illinois Chicago and Metropolitan State University of Denver, two federally designated, minority-serving institutions with a high proportion of first-generation college students (Figure 1A). Participants are incoming first-year students—late adolescents and emerging adults—who have not completed their first semester of college (target N = 200). Participants complete a 1-hour virtual session that begins with a Background Survey (Figure 1B). The goal of this survey is to understand their childhood socioeconomic status and neighborhood environment, their exposure to immediate family members with college experience, and their high school academic experiences. Next, participants complete a Future Event Imagination Interview (Figure 1C), where they verbally describe personal future events they imagine happening, based on college-related cues (e.g., taking a final exam this semester, participating in their graduation ceremony). Their event descriptions are audio recorded, transcribed, and coded for number of episodic details (Levine et al., 2002). Participants also use Likert scales to rate aspects of their subjective imagination, such as the clarity of the imagined event, how difficult it is to imagine, and how personally significant it feels. Data collection is underway and projected to be complete by January 1, 2025. Initial analyses will test two predictions: (1) FGCS imagine college-related future events with fewer episodic details than non-FGCS, and (2) experience their imagined events with lower clarity, greater difficulty, and less personal significance. Exploratory analyses will examine whether specific aspects of upbringing mediate any observed relationships between first-generation status and quality of imagination. Collection of academic records will be used to correlate imagination data with college performance and retention rates. Results will provide insights into how childhood experiences and memories may influence the future events that emerging adults imagine and ultimately achieve in college.

Paper #3
Examining the Influence of Semantic Memory on Episodic Memory Development
Author information	Role
Tida Kian, York University, Canada	Presenting author
Sude Bolukbasi, York University, Canada	Non-presenting author
Thanujeni Pathman, York University, Canada	Non-presenting author
Abstract
Memory, a critical capacity for everyday life, consists of different systems (Robertson & Köhler, 2007). Tulving (1972, 1983) referred to episodic memory (EM; memory for a specific past event and the contexts in which they occurred) and semantic memory (SM; memory for general knowledge) as two separate but related systems. There are substantial improvements in both EM and SM across childhood (Bauer, 2007). Although there is appreciation of the interconnected nature of episodic and semantic memory (Irish & Piguet, 2013), relatively little is known about how these two systems relate across childhood. Specifically, the influence of SM on EM and its development is not fully understood. This study investigated the influence of SM on episodic memory for events (actions) and their spatial contexts (locations), and how patterns may differ across age and different delay conditions (immediate vs. 1-week delay). Participants were a) 7-9-year-olds (immediate group, n=34; delay group, n=26), b) 10-12-year-olds (immediate group, n=30; delay group, n=22), and c) young adults (immediate group, n=29; delay group, n=31). During the encoding phase, participants were presented with images of cartoon characters completing an action along with an image of a background scene (i.e., locations) that either semantically matched the action (congruent trial), did not match the action (incongruent trial) or an action that could be performed in any location (neutral trial). During the retrieval phase, participants were presented with actions and asked whether the action was old or new (old/new recognition) and, if old, asked to choose the background scene that went with that action (memory for spatial location/context) among a group of distractors. Distractors were created to vary in familiarity and match between action and location. We conducted Age (young children, older children, adults) x Condition (congruent, incongruent) x Delay (immediate, 1-week) repeated measures ANOVAs on memory accuracy. For old/new recognition (actions) there was only a main effect of delay F(1, 166)=37.25, p=.0001: Across conditions and age group, accuracy was higher for immediate than delay groups. For spatial context accuracy (locations), we again found a main effect of delay, but importantly we also found a main effect of condition, F(1, 166)=92.58, p=.000: Across age and delay groups, participants more accurately identified the locations for congruent compared to incongruent trials. There were no interactions suggesting the influence of SM on EM accuracy was similar for children and adults, and for different delays. However, analysis of errors (which distractors were selected) in the incongruent trials showed an interaction between type of distractor selected and age group. Better memory for locations in the congruent condition suggests congruency facilitates memory processes through semantic attribution and relational binding (Staresina, Gray, & Davachi, 2009). Analysis of errors suggests that there may be some differences across age in how SM influences EM. Overall, this study adds to our knowledge about episodic memory development across middle to late childhood, and provides insight into how semantic memory can support episodic memory performance and whether the influence of SM on EM varies with age.

Paper #4
Episodic Memory Supports Episodic Future Thinking for Oneself and Another
Author information	Role
Que Anh Pham, University of Massachusetts Boston, United States	Presenting author
Tashauna Blankenship, University of Massachusetts Boston, United States	Non-presenting author
Abstract
Episodic future thinking (EFT) – mentally projecting into the future to solve a problem (Atance & O’Neill, 2001) – is supported by episodic memory (EM) (Suddendorf & Corballis, 2007). Some studies have considered the relation between EM and EFT in children, finding that EM strength often drives EFT performance (Atance & Sommerville, 2014). However, only children’s personal episodic memory (i.e., memory of one’s own experience) is considered in these studies, overlooking an important aspect of memory formation: observational memory (i.e., memory of another’s experience). Similarly, EFT experiments often focus on how children imagine the future for themselves, rather than the ability to imagine the future for another person (e.g., planning a birthday party), which is necessary for effective social planning. We examined the impact of EM perspective (of oneself or another) on EFT performance (for oneself or another) in 3-5-year-olds. In the EM phase, children either learned how to operate (i.e., shape lights box up) a box themselves (Self) or watched a toy Dinosaur (Other). They were then introduced to a new box and then moved to another location so they couldn’t play with the box. Finally, in the EFT phase, children chose a shape to bring back to the first location to use on the new box for themselves (Self) or Dinosaur (Other). The experiment was a between-subjects design. We hypothesized that the congruent conditions (Self.Self and Other.Other) would result in better EFT performance. 132 children participated (39 3-year-olds, M=41.9m, SD=3.92, 22 female; 54 4-year-olds, M=53.1m, SD=3.62, 27 female; 39 5-year-olds, M=65.5m, SD=3.49, 29 female). We ran a logistic regression with shape selection as the dependent variable and found a significant interaction between EM and EFT (p=0.003). To further examine the interaction, we compared shape selection to chance and found that all conditions were above chance (Self.Self: p<0.001, Other.Other: p<0.001, Other.Self: p=0.012) except for Self.Other (p=0.106). Combining Self.Self and Other.Other into the Congruent condition and Self.Other and Other.Self into the Incongruent condition, we found that Congruent resulted in higher accuracy in shape selection (p=0.003) than Incongruent. Analyzing goal understanding (“Why did you choose this shape?”), we found that there was significantly better understanding between Self.Self and Other.Self (p=0.014) and Other.Other and Other.Self (p=0.036). These results support our hypothesis that the congruent conditions would result in better EFT performance than the incongruent conditions, both in shape selection and goal understanding. The congruent conditions may have resulted in better performance because the EM and EFT perspectives match, allowing for a better understanding of goals. With these findings, our research is the first to examine the relation between EM and EFT in social contexts in young children, particularly emphasizing how personal and observational memories support the ability to use EFT for oneself and another. Our research has the potential to inform parental and educational support for children’s EM, EFT, and social planning.

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