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About this paper symposium
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Panel 17. Race, Ethnicity, Culture, Context |
Paper #1 | |
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Encouraging Toddlers’ Community-Minded Helpfulness in Mexican-heritage Families | |
Author information | Role |
Dr. Andrew D. Coppens, Ph.D., University of New Hampshire, United States | Presenting author |
Barbara Rogoff, University of California, Santa Cruz, United States | Non-presenting author |
Abstract | |
It is common for toddlers worldwide to be eager to help others, but by middle childhood, developmental trajectories diverge in different communities. In some Mexican-heritage and Indigenous communities, children often expand their interest in helping without being asked in middle childhood, whereas many European-heritage middle-class children resist helping (Alcalá et al., 2014; Coppens & Rogoff, 2021; López-Fraire et al., 2024). Many Indigenous parents of the Americas value children’s collaborative initiative in helping with household work as a way to foster children’s understanding of mutuality in relationships (Bolin, 2006; Pimentel, 2009; Rogoff et al., 2014; Urrieta, 2013). Mexican-heritage mothers said they expect helping without being asked in middle childhood, whereas a number of European American mothers said that this is unimportant or unrealistic (López et al., 2024). Many Indigenous-heritage Mexican mothers emphasized the importance of not obligating children to help, unlike highly schooled Mexican mothers who reported that assigning children to household jobs was necessary for getting children to help (Coppens et al., 2016). Even with children of 2-3 years, nearly half of European-heritage mothers were already assigning chores, with consequences contingent on compliance (Rogoff & Coppens, 2024). How do parents encourage children’s development of initiative in helping with household work? Welcoming and supporting children’s interest in helping in household activities in the toddler years may be formative. We interviewed 40 California mothers of 2-3-year-olds, half Mexican-heritage and half European-heritage, about situations in which a 3-year-old wants to help, but the mother is in a hurry or there is likelihood of a mess. Nearly all (90%) of the Mexican-heritage mothers reported encouraging toddlers’ collaborative involvement in shared endeavors, whereas only 10% of the European American mothers used this collaborative approach. Most of the Mexican-heritage mothers (80%) reported that it was normal and expected for their 2- to 3-year-olds to contribute to shared family work; it is enjoyable family time, with a comfortable expectation of some messes or slowness in the task. Such a view of helpfulness as normal was reported by only 10% of European American mothers. Most of the Mexican-heritage mothers (80%) stated that contributing alongside others is important for toddlers to learn to contribute; only 5% of the European-heritage mothers reported this. Rather, they reported avoiding toddlers’ involvement (50%) and/or substituting mock work or educational activities (40%). Fully 95% of the Mexican-heritage mothers stated that taking initiative to help was a fundamental childrearing goal; only 20% of European American mothers reported this goal. Relatedly, many Mexican-heritage mothers (60%) emphasized the importance of autonomy (it needs to ‘come from the heart’) and stated that toddlers get involved because they want to contribute with others in shared work, whereas only 5% and 25% of European-heritage mothers did so. We argue that the cultural practice of inclusion of toddlers, with appreciation for their voluntary help even if it is not efficient or convenient, may encourage children’s interest in helping and community-mindedness. |
Paper #2 | |
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Understanding Latinx children’s prosociality: Transmission of cultural values from caregivers to young children | |
Author information | Role |
Rodolfo Cortes Barragan, Ph.D., University of Washington, United States | Presenting author |
Andrew N. Meltzoff, University of Washington, United States | Non-presenting author |
Abstract | |
Latinx adults and adolescents are reported to be particularly prosocial in interacting with others (e.g., Carlo & Conejo, 2009; Rogoff et al., 2017). At the group level, young Latinx children show significantly higher prosociality than other racial-ethnic groups (Alcalá et al., 2018; Barragan & Meltzoff, 2021). Yet, it remains unclear whether the prosociality of Latinx children, at the individual level, is linked with the prosocial cultural values of their Latinx caregivers. A Latinx cultural value identified by social psychologists, simpatía, involves showing effusive emotional-relational positivity and harmony (Triandis et al., 1984). This value has been documented among Latinx caregivers in the US (Ramírez-Esparza et al., 2019). Here, we built on prior work suggesting that Latinx family members encourage the development of prosociality in Latinx children (Barragan et al., 2023) and specifically examined how the specific value of simpatía relates to the development of early childhood prosociality. We conducted the study in a community setting (public parks) in a geographical location that has the highest concentration of Latinx families in the continental US—a segment of LA County where more than 90% of the population is Latinx. Our procedure involved a mobile laboratory and the well-validated Fehr (2008) behavioral test to assess children’s prosociality. Children could choose between an option where both themselves and another child would receive a sticker (“1:1 choice”) or an option where they would receive a sticker and the other child would not (“1:0 choice”). Children participated independently from their caregiver, after the caregiver had completed the Likert-type Simpatía Scale (Acevedo et al., 2020), while keeping the experimenter blind to the caregivers’ responses. Children’s behavioral choices were scored from video, blind to caregiver responses. We tested N=50 Latinx children aged 4.00-7.99 years of age (Mean age=5.95, 52% girls). Results showed that caregiver simpatía was significantly correlated with children’s behavioral prosociality, point-biserial correlation r=0.32, p=0.024. We also examined the data using a median split. The results showed that 84% (21/25) of the children whose caregivers scored above the median on simpatía selected the 1:1 choice, and 32% (8/25) of the children whose caregivers scored below the median on simpatía did so, χ2(1, N=50)=13.88, p=0.0002, ϕ=0.53 (Figure 1). Logistic regression analyses showed that these patterns remained significant while controlling for child age, gender, family SES, and maternal education. Discussion will focus on how prosocial values held by adults are transmitted to children as early as the preschool period. We develop the view that the patterns observed are based both (a) on the cultural emphasis placed on sharing in Latinx families (cultural values), which can be expressed verbally and through everyday pedagogical efforts by parents, and (b) on the power of observational social learning in early childhood (learning mechanisms). We will discuss prosociality and other-directed sharing as a “hidden strength” within a racial/ethnic group that is often marginalized within mainstream US culture. By understanding more about the transmission of prosociality from adults to children within Latinx families, we hope to bring fresh insights to theories of human socialization. |
Paper #3 | |
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What happens if they don’t help? Yucatec Maya children’s prosocial development | |
Author information | Role |
Dr. Lucia Alcalá, Ph.D., California State University, Fullerton, United States | Presenting author |
Maria Dolores Cervera, CINVESTAV Unidad Mérida, Yucatan, Mexico | Non-presenting author |
Abstract | |
Children’s prosocial development has been studied in European-American middle-class young children. Less is known about how older children develop prosocial skills in diverse communities. We examined the development of prosocial behavior in middle-childhood in two Mayan communities in Yucatan México. Children in many Indigenous and Indigenous-heritage communities of the Americas show extensive levels of contributions to household work and community endeavors (Gaskins, 1999). In some Yucatec Maya communities, mothers reported how toddlers can help as soon as they are able to walk, and regularly help with simple tasks (Alcalá & Cervera, 2022; Cervera, 2008). We interviewed 38 7- to 11-year-old children about their contributions to family work. Semi-structured interviews took place in their school’s patio and were conducted either in Mayan or Spanish, based on children’s preference and availability of interviewers. Overall, children provided substantial contributions to their families, regularly taking the initiative to help with complex household tasks and helped during community celebrations. We particularly probed why they helped and what happens if one day they refuse to help with family work. We were motivated to conduct such work, in part, because of the benefits that cognitive developmental researchers have reported in measuring children’s ‘explanations’ or the reasons they give for behaving the way they do (e.g., in research on theory of mind, causal reasoning, and problem solving). Descriptively, children reported helping at home because they liked to help, or because they viewed helping as part of a shared/distributed family responsibility, or because everyone helps and each family member is considered capable of contributing. One participant described the fluid collaboration among family members stating, “sometimes, I pull the weeds in the yard, and while my mom sweeps, I pick the trash up” (a veces, chapeo en mi casa y mientras mi mamá barre y yo recojo la basura). In this case, there is no need for parents to assign work or ask for help, the child notices that work needs to be done and simply helps. Being attentive to the needs of the family and helping as needed, was also reported. We also asked children, what happens if one day you don’t want to help? Most had a hard time responding to this question, because it may have involved a form of counterfactual reasoning. However, children reported that if they refused to help there would probably be consequences affecting them (51%) such as being scolded or being viewed as lazy. About half reported consequences for their family (43%). For example, if a child does not help with the milpa (corn field) there might not be enough corn for the family. We discuss that Yucatec Mayan children’s sense of belonging and contributing to their family and community is the underlying driving force that guides children to eagerly participate in shared work and endeavors. Future research should more fully analyze how Yucatec Maya children, and children from other cultures, conceptualize their prosocial behavior and how it is conceptualized and guided based on cultural values and practices. |
Paper #4 | |
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Relations of culture- and care-related social cognitive/emotive mechanisms to U.S. Latine youth prosocial behaviors | |
Author information | Role |
Lina Brodsky, University of California, Irvine, United States | Presenting author |
Gustavo Carlo, University of California, Irvine, United States | Non-presenting author |
Raymond Villareal, University of California, Irvine, United States | Non-presenting author |
Diego Castro, University of California, Irvine, United States | Non-presenting author |
Abstract | |
Traditional models of prosocial development center on sociocognitive and socioemotive developmental mechanisms as primary predictors of youth prosocial behaviors, and there is substantive supportive evidence on their importance (Eisenberg et al., 2015). Among the identified mechanisms are perspective taking (understanding others’ thoughts, feelings, and social situations), empathic concern (sorrow or sadness for needy others), and prosocial moral reasoning (care-related thinking in helping dilemma situations) (Carlo, 2014). However, cultural scholars have also highlighted culture-related mechanisms, such as ethnic identity, that embody values, understanding, and behaviors associated with one’s cultural heritage, as being pertinent to understanding diverse ethnic/racial youth development (Knight & Carlo, 2012). Despite these notions, few studies have directly examined the interplay between traditional and culture-related mechanisms and their relations to U.S. Latine youth prosocial behaviors. Carlo and Conejo (2019) specifically posited that strong ethnic identity orient youths towards the consideration of others, because it encumbers Latine beliefs and behaviors such as bien educado (good moral character), familismo (affinity, referent, and duty to family), respeto (respect towards others) characteristics that are inherently prosocial. We expected that ethnic identity would facilitate other- and care-oriented social cognitions and emotions, which in turn, would predict prosocial behaviors. Thus, the present study was designed to examine the interrelations among ethnic identity, perspective taking, empathic concern, prosocial moral reasoning, and altruistic (helping without expectation for self-reward) and public (helping in front of others) behaviors in these youth. U.S. Latine youth (N = 435; Mean age = 19.75 years; 74.2% women; primarily Mexican heritage) completed an online survey of ethnic identity, perspective taking, empathic concern, prosocial moral reasoning, and prosocial behaviors. Path analysis showed significant indirect effects from ethnic identity to both altruistic and public prosocial behaviors via perspective taking, empathic concern, and prosocial moral reasoning (controlling for gender on prosocial behaviors; see Figure). Findings suggest that ethnic identity might foster other- and care-oriented social cognitions and emotions, which in turn, relate distinctly to two types of prosocial behaviors. Discussion will focus on the need to integrate culture- and care-related social cognitive/emotive mechanisms to better understand prosocial development in U.S. Latine youth. |
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Culture and ethnicity in prosocial development: New insights from Latinx, Mayan, and Mexican-heritage families
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Paper Symposium
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Session Title | Culture and ethnicity in prosocial development: New insights from Latinx, Mayan, and Mexican-heritage families |