About this poster

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Panel information
Panel 1. Context: Cross-Cultural, Neighborhood, and Social

Abstract

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The study examined adolescents’ experiences with immigration discrimination. Drawing from the Integrative Model of Development (Garcia Coll et al., 1996), we sought to highlight the unique experiences that immigrant adolescents face in the United States. While discrimination based on race and ethnicity is well-studied and has been linked to poor psychological, educational, and health outcomes among adolescents (Benner et al., 2018; Causadias & Korous, 2019; Cordova & Cervantes, 2010), the study of immigration-specific discrimination remains comparatively understudied. Given that 27% of U.S. adolescents are immigrants (Child Trends, 2018) and that 15% of all migrants globally are also adolescents (United Nations, 2021), it is important to investigate this topic further. To contribute to research in this area, we addressed the following research question: What experiences do adolescents have with immigration discrimination?

Data were collected with semi-structured interviews in English and Spanish. Participants were recruited from public high schools in the Western region of the United States and included 33 adolescents (Mage = 16.4) and 9 teachers (Mage = 43). The gender distribution among participants was 18 (55%) female, 23 (70%) male, and 1 (.03%) trans female. Participants were racially/ethnically diverse: African or African American (7%), Asian or Asian American (26%), Hispanic/Latinx (26%), Mixed or Biracial (10%), and White/European (31%). Adolescents were asked about their experiences of immigration discrimination, while teachers were asked about their observations of adolescents’ experiences with immigration discrimination. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and a team of five trained researchers analyzed the data using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2012). The university affiliated with the first author approved the study.

Findings shown in Table 1 indicated three themes. First, The Nature of Immigration Discrimination, revealed a range of discriminatory experiences, from indirect discrimination and subtle biases (e.g., "I have a friend who's Mexican and someone called him an illegal immigrant") to overt acts and stereotypes perpetuated through media (e.g., "I've seen memes on Instagram, where they put a monkey face on immigrants"). Second, Sources of Immigration Discrimination, indicated that participants reported observing various sources of immigration discrimination, including racism (e.g., Mexicans are derogatorily referred to as "border hoppers" or "beaners" due to stereotypes about them crossing the border to come to America), xenophobia, colorism, and discrimination within their own racial/ethnic group. Third, Contextual Experiences of Immigration Discrimination, showed that participants indicated barriers related to language, the influence of political climates (e.g., I remember the pandemic like the hate on Asians), and the significance of documentation status. In addition to the themes, we observed that adolescents and teachers reported similar discriminatory experiences.

In conclusion, the results from this study highlighted how immigration discrimination among adolescents is multifaceted. Findings indicated that some discriminatory experiences were unique to immigration, such as comments made to adolescents about legal status and documentation. Whereas, some discriminatory experiences were similar to those reported by adolescents about race/ethnicity (Benner et al., 2018). Focusing on immigration-specific discrimination is an important line of inquiry and crucial for promoting the well-being of adolescents with immigrant identities, as well as for developing strategies to address discrimination and promote inclusivity in diverse communities.

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